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© 1995, Long Bow Group Inc. All Rights Reserved.
LIANG XIAOYAN
After people prevented the army convoys from entering the
city, there was a stalemate. During this lull, people were at a
loss, and didn't know what to do next. This happened over and
over again during the movement: following each new escalation,
people fell into a state of confusion. No one knew what to do or
what to expect. So the students simply hung around the Square
waiting.
At night, music drifted from different parts of the Square. Once
I was awakened after midnight by a rowdy concert. People were
shouting, and laughing, making a huge ruckus.
HOU DEJIAN - Pop Star
Popular music, of course, came from the West. When young
people try to express themselves, to sing about their own
concerns, it is really a form of liberalization. That's why this
music played a very important role during the movement. When
someone takes part in a rock concert, that kind of crazy feeling
is all about self-liberation and about self-expression.
HOU DEJIAN MUSIC VIDEO
NARRATION
The new music came via Hong Kong and Taiwan. One of the most
famous Taiwan singers was Hou Dejian.
Hou moved to the mainland in 1983 in search of his roots. He
was the first pop star to appear on national television.
HOU DEJIAN
Our culture, as well as the political system in Mainland
China, suppresses the individual and promotes the collective.
Collectivism and patriotism are used to make the majority serve
the few. The message is: "You are not allowed to care about
yourself. Any concern about personal interest simply means that
you are selfish."
I call the 1989 movement a "Self-Liberation" movement. I don't
like calling the founding of the People's Republic of China in
1949 "Liberation." Did Mao really liberate the Chinese people?
Gradually people realized, "We're not really liberated. We want
to liberate ourselves." But Mao didn't want that. Later, Deng
Xiaoping didn't want that either. During the movement everyone
wanted to release their pent-up anger and frustration - how come
you can liberate me, but I can't liberate myself?
CROWD AROUND A PET HEDGEHOG
Man A
Put the headband back on! He's a guard in the movement.
Man B
This hedgehog is a guard? Can he block the police?
Man C
He can prick the police!
Man D
The police won't dare touch him.
Man B
Who'd like to hold him?
NARRATION
Many people in Beijing felt it in those days of protest: the
sense of being lifted out of their daily drudgery by a cause
greater than themselves.
Maybe, now, through real democracy, a perfect society was
possible.
YOUNG CHILD HANDS OUT GARLIC ON SQUARE
Who wants garlic? Garlic, anyone?
NARRATION
There was a heightened sense of community, of giving, of
shared sacrifice. It was said that even the thieves had gone on
strike for the common good.
STUDENTS SINGING IN BUS
I love Beijing's Tiananmen,
The sun rises there.
The great leader Chairman Mao...
leads our forward march.
NARRATION
In the vast Square, in this space designed to make the many
feel as one, a space dedicated to the manufacturing of public
life, the personal gesture now became significant, each small act
of generosity seeming to prophesy a new way of living together, a
new civility.
It was a feeling as intense as it was transitory.
WU GUOGUANG
I watched the student movement on T.V. It was exciting to see
so many people demanding democracy, but I was worried by the
general, intangible nature of their demands.
In China, all information is so tightly controlled by the
Communist Party that people whose lives are run by this huge
machine have no idea how it really works. So they usually behave
in one of two ways: They either accept Party rule passively, or
summon the courage to try and smash it all to pieces. But what
happens after it's been smashed?
NARRATION
Faced with a territory and a population to govern, the student
leaders on the Square found themselves recreating in miniature
all the real-life problems of having and holding power.
"External" threats of government repression meant enforcing
"internal" security. Disagreements with the leadership were
labeled "betrayal," "sabotage" by the familiar "small handful of
plotters."
Struggles between the groups vying for power in the Square
grew increasingly ugly.
FENG CONGDE
As commanders we tried to make our decision-making process as
open as possible. But many students still felt that they had no
normal channels through which to express their opinions. When
they wanted to be heard they'd try to seize power.
PEOPLE AT THE MARTYRS' MONUMENT, PUSHING AND SHOVING
STUDENT GUARD
No cameras! No cameras! Cover that lens!
FENG CONGDE
Some student guard units were formed in a bizarre way. Someone
from the Square would run to the train station to meet newcomers
from the provinces. He'd announce, "I am the commander of the
student security guards. Come with me! The Square needs you!" So
the newcomers, who had no idea what was going on, would become
the guy's guard.
Then they'd surround the student headquarters or the broadcast
station and drive away our guards. Once they took control of the
broadcast station, they were in power.
Often we had to suppress 3 or 4 coups a day. At the time I
even joked, "Now I finally understand why Li Peng wanted to
suppress the students."
HOU DEJIAN
Once I made a suggestion to the students. That was around May
23rd. I said, why not hold an election at the Square or on your
campuses, one student, one vote, and elect the leaders of the
student union. But they felt elections were unthinkable in the
middle of all that chaos.
Then a week later I heard that the students were setting up a
democracy university in the Square. I thought: "Well, that
suggestion of mine was at the level of a democracy kindergarten.
You people didn't like it, so now you're setting up a democracy
university. But no matter what, you still have to vote."