This transcript is being provided for reference purposes only.
It may not be reproduced without prior written permission from the .
© 1995, Long Bow Group Inc. All Rights Reserved.
CHAI LING
Wang Dan told me about the hunger strike, and I immediately
signed up. Then we tried to persuade the leaders of the
Independent Student Unions, but some of them were firmly opposed
to a strike. I think they have a tendency toward opportunism.
NARRATION
As is so often the case, democratic procedures were getting in
the way of political action.
Unable to achieve a consensus within the Independent Student
Unions, the people in favor of a hunger strike bypassed the new
organization and made personal appeals to the students.
WANG DAN
On the evening of May 12th, Chai Ling and I addressed the
students. She did most of the talking. She said that the
government was forcing us to put our lives on the line.
She was crying emotionally. This got everyone really stirred
up.
CHAI LING
I said, "We are staging a hunger strike in order to reveal the
true face of the government and the true face of the people. We
want to see whether the Chinese have any conscience, whether
there is any hope for China."
I said, "We are prepared to face death for the sake of true
life. The oath written by our lives will brighten the skies of
our country."
NARRATION
At noon on May 13, the hunger strikers shared a last
ceremonial meal.
The strikers wanted the government to repeal the April 26th
editorial, and hold televised talks with the students.
That morning, the government had met one of these demands:
they'd agreed to talks with the Dialogue Group.
But by the time this news reached the universities, the hunger
strikers had already set out for Tiananmen Square.
Their declaration, born of a tradition of romantic communist
rhetoric, was both heroic and deeply emotional. It even included
some lines from Mao's youth: "This country is our country, this
people our people: If we don't speak out, who will? If we don't
take action, who will?".
"At the height of youthful happiness and beauty," the hunger
strikers proclaimed, "we must resolutely leave everything behind
us."
"Mother China, witness now the actions of your sons and
daughters. Can you remain indifferent as hunger devours our youth
and death approaches?"
MORNING OF 14TH, WANG DAN LEADS HUNGER STRIKERS IN CHANT
WANG DAN leads call and response
We will not give up!
Until we reach our goal!
CHAI LING gives speech to hunger strikers
We've had a hard night. In the pre-dawn hours everyone was cold and hungry, but we made it through. We may have to endure many more nights like this. I hope we will all persist to the end.
VOICE IN CROWD
Are we determined?
CROWD
Yes!
CHAI LING
Thank you. You are such good comrades-in-arms!
NARRATION
The hunger strike could not have come at a worse time for the
government.
That week a historic meeting, years in preparation, was to
take place: the President of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev,
was coming to China.
A grand welcoming ceremony was scheduled to take place in
Tiananmen Square -- which was filled, at the moment, with
thousands of students.
LIANG XIAOYAN
On May 15th, the government planned to welcome Gorbachev at
Tiananmen Square. Everyone knew that the Square would have to be
cleared.
So the students thought that if they staged a hunger strike
there, the government would definitely respond by May 15. I heard
many students talk like this.
NARRATION
On the afternoon of May 14 -- less than twenty-four hours
before Gorbachev's arrival -- the government began talks with the
Dialogue Group. The main official representative was Yan Mingfu,
a leading reformist minister. Some students who had initiated the
hunger strike were also present. Wuer Kaixi was one of them.
WUER KAIXI
The biggest victory of the whole movement was that our hunger
strike forced the government to the negotiating table. We
demanded a live television broadcast, but the government agreed
only to a pre-recorded broadcast. So we made a concession on this
point. We felt that a pre-recorded broadcast was in itself a
hard-won achievement.
NARRATION
But the hunger strikers who were waiting at the Square did not
hear the promised broadcast.
HUNGER STRIKERS CHANT
Live Broadcast!
Live Broadcast!
NARRATION
Suspicious that they had been sold out, many of them rushed to
the hall where the talks were being held and disrupted the
session.
WUER KAIXI
So the talks were wrecked by the students themselves. I felt
that May 14th was a big setback for the student movement. After
this, the students missed many more opportunities by repeating
the same mistakes.
NARRATION
It was the eve of Gorbachev's arrival, and talks between the
students and the government had broken down.
DAI QING
When we speak of the government we're talking about two kinds
of people: the reformers who were in power at the time and the
hard-liners who opposed them. Reform was in a very precarious
situation and came under constant attack. The reformers hoped for
social stability, so that they could continue their difficult
work. The hard-liners had been using all kinds of underhanded
tactics to get Deng Xiaoping to turn against the reformers. But
they hadn't seen much success. So they wanted to create a massive
crisis in order to get rid of the reformers, as they had Hu
Yaobang.
INTELLECTUALS MARCH TO SQUARE
STUDENT WITH MEGAPHONE
The twelve most famous writers and scholars of China are coming to present their emergency appeal at the Square!
DAI QING
I was worried that reform would be derailed. If that happened,
then all that grand sloganizing about democracy, about abolishing
dictatorship, and so on, would simply be a lot of hot air.
DAI QING, speaking to hunger strikers on Square
We oppose the use of violence against the hunger strikers on any pretext. Anyone who resorts to violence will go down in history as a criminal.
NARRATION
The twelve scholars, journalists, and critics were well known
supporters of liberal reform in China and widely-respected. They
all praised the students, but called on them to change their
tactics.
DAI QING, speaking on Square continued
Avoid actions which will hurt our friends and please our enemies. Let the Sino-Soviet summit proceed smoothly. We plead with you to continue in the rational spirit which has characterized the movement so far. If the government makes a concession, then we propose that the students temporarily leave the Square.
WUER KAIXI
The problem with these intellectuals was that they were
playing the wrong role. They were acting as mediators between the
students and the government. We made the government agree to
face-to-face negotiations. This was unprecedented in the last
forty years and this was accomplished by us, the students, acting
as an independent political force. And then when we invited the
intellectuals to join us, they came to the Square and addressed
us as "children."
SU XIAOKANG addresses students on Square
We should have patience! We should be rational! We have to educate the government! Can we be rational?
CROWD
Yes!
SU XIAOKANG
Good! If the government makes a concession, will we be able to respond rationally?
CROWD
Yes!
SU XIAOKANG
That's all I have to say.
WUER KAIXI
The message that we got from them is this: "You people have
gone too far! You have to listen to your mommy and daddy, listen
to your government." Well, all I have to say is, what have you
done to give you the right to criticize us?
WANG DAN
The 12 scholars had made an accurate assessment of the
situation and they were well-intentioned. They knew this
stalemate would harm the students' cause. But all the students
had put so much into the hunger strike, how could the government
simply ignore us? If we left, it would have been like encouraging
a bully. Emotionally we couldn't accept that. You can tell me all
you want about what a rational person should do, but I say,
excuse me, I can't be that rational because I'm not facing a
rational opponent.
DAI QING
We failed completely. At the time, I felt that we
intellectuals were caught between a totally irrational government
and totally irrational students. What could we do?
NARRATION
Although most students were unimpressed by the intellectuals'
attempts at mediation, some shared their belief that Gorbachev's
visit would help the cause of reform in China. As a last-minute
compromise, Wuer Kaixi led the call to make room for the official
welcoming ceremony for the Soviet leader.
WUER KAIXI, speaking on Square
Our demands are reasonable. But if we forget patriotism, we will be hurting our own cause.
We should make a gesture. I'm not saying we should quit, but we should move aside! I'm now speaking only on my own behalf. I'm Wuer Kaixi. I'm pleading with you. Don't lose sight of the big picture. I'm begging you!
CHAI LING
We really were not willing. We decided not to move.
Because--well, I'll quote the words of a foreign reporter. He
said, "You're already on a hunger strike. What more can they ask
of you?"
LIANG XIAOYAN
On the night of the 14th, everybody was waiting for the
clearing of the Square. Everyone was restless. "Why aren't they
coming, why aren't they coming?" On the morning of the 15th, I
phoned a friend. We both felt that the situation was very grim.
If the government ignored the students on May 15, they would be
put into a very awkward position. What were they going to do,
stay on a hunger strike forever?
CHAI LING
"If the government can simply stand by and watch while the
students' lives slowly waste away like this, we will have to take
even more drastic measures. We will set ourselves on fire. If the
government is callous enough to see these children starve to
death, then I will be the first to die." I said this over the
loudspeakers. I said I was willing to be the commander-in-chief -
I don't remember my exact words - I said the only criterion for a
person to join the hunger strike leadership was a willingness to
be the first to die, so that other students could live on.
GORBACHEV'S ARRIVAL AT BEIJING AIRPORT
NARRATION
The government chose to cancel the grand ceremony planned for
Tiananmen Square. Gorbachev got only a quick welcome at the
airport.
The first visit to China by a Soviet head of state since 1959
had been upstaged by the students.
Gorbachev met with Party leaders like Zhao Ziyang, who looked
to the Soviet Union as an example of political reform; and with
others, like Premier Li Peng, who were wary of everything
Gorbachev represented.
Both groups in the Chinese government needed the backing of
Deng Xiaoping, who was in charge of the military, and thus held
the real reins of power.
By now the hunger strikers had been in the Square for two days
and their numbers were increasing constantly. Still there was no
official response.
As time dragged on, sympathy for the students and anger at the
government grew.
LIU XIAOBO
I couldn't even convince my own students to leave. The female
students cried whenever I spoke to them. In the morning sun, the
students looked so young, with only sheets of newspapers between
themselves and the bare ground. It was really a touching sight.
They were putting their young lives on the line, sitting there
stubbornly. But the government was ignoring them. I was moved. So
I decided to stay on the Square to help them run errands.
LÜ JINGHUA
We workers and ordinary people had been looking on. Then, when
the students started the hunger strike, using their own lives to
awaken the whole nation, people felt their responsibilities, and
they rose up too.
NARRATION
On May 16, while Gorbachev continued his discussions with the
Chinese leadership, 300,000 people marched in the streets of
Beijing.
On the 17th and again on the 18th, that number rose to one
million people.
LIANG XIAOYAN
I went to the Square every day after May 15th, because a lot
of students from my university were taking part in the hunger
strike. I went there to help them with logistics, and run
errands. I also took part in the picket line to ensure that the
ambulances could move freely.
ZHAO HONGLIANG
The students had been on their hunger strike for nearly a
week, but still the government paid no attention to them. We
said, what bastards! Any son of a bitch would have acted better
than Deng Xiaoping and Li Peng.
NARRATION
Moderate government leaders tried to defuse the mounting
crisis with whatever concessions they could make. The official
media was allowed to report sympathetically on the hunger strike.
Emergency medical teams were sent in to ensure the health of the
hunger strikers.
Actions like these suggested that the party line was shifting,
and nobody wanted to be left on the wrong side.
Local party leaders and managers started permitting their
workers to go to Tiananmen to show support for the students.
Organized contingents started showing up carrying the banners
of their workplaces.
To participate now was beginning to look not only right, but
safe.
The spectacle was overwhelming, and highly photogenic.
The foreign press, in Beijing to cover the Sino-Soviet summit,
walked into the biggest international media story ever reported
out of China.
CBS NEWS, DAN RATHER REPORTING FROM TIANANMEN SQUARE
What a place, what a time, what a story! It's Friday morning here and this is Tiananmen Square. Today it's the people's square, all right. More than a million Chinese demanding democracy and freedom, and proclaiming the new revolution.
CNN NEWS, BERNARD SHAW (OFF-CAMERA)
Unbelievable! We all came here to cover a summit, and we walked into a revolution.
LIANG XIAOYAN
It's a great feeling to get the attention of tens of thousands
of people. Before the movement, the students had been very
depressed. All of a sudden they were at center stage. People
needed them. They felt a heroic sense of being able to change
history. This feeling was a boost to their egos and whet their
appetites for more.
WUER KAIXI
There's never been a generation like ours, one that mocked the
state, mocked the government, mocked the leaders. And there's
never been a generation that has seen that the outside world is
so beautiful.
CUI JIAN COMES OUT OF HUNGER STRIKE BUS AND GREETS PROTESTERS
WUER KAIXI
Cui Jian is China's most famous singer. His song, "Nothing to
My Name," expresses our feelings. Does our generation have
anything?
We don't have the goals our parents had. We don't have the
fanatical idealism our older brothers and sisters once had.
So what do we want?
Nike shoes. Lots of free time to take our girlfriends to a
bar. The freedom to discuss an issue with someone. And to get a
little respect from society.
LIANG XIAOYAN
In this process there was something so pure, so unforgettable.
There were also things that I couldn't accept, even things I
found repulsive. But they were all mixed together. And this is
history. History is this kind of process. There's no way to sort
things out neatly.
For example, during the hunger strike some students were
actually eating. They felt that the hunger strike was only a
means to an end. "Our aim is to put pressure on the government,
so why should we make real sacrifices?" One student was outraged,
"You people are manipulating the public". He said, "Once you turn
your sacrifice into a hoax, you lose your moral integrity." So he
wrote in blood, "I want to use my blood to defend the purity of
the hunger strike." I was very moved. This kind of gesture might
not have any significant political impact, but to me it showed a
deep sense of decency, something that had become very rare in
China.
NARRATION
During the days of mounting protest, reformist officials faced
a predicament: they didn't have the power to make the concessions
the students demanded; yet they knew if they couldn't get the
students to leave the Square, hard-liners were more than willing
to use force. And the army had already been mobilized.
Furthermore, since the breakdown of the May 14 talks, it was
no longer clear who really represented the students. The only way
to communicate with the protesters was to appeal directly to the
crowds in the Square.
On May 16th, accompanied by student leader Wang Dan, the
reformist official Yan Mingfu made such an attempt.
WANG DAN
He was on the verge of tears. He asked the students to give
the Party reformers more time. He even went out on a limb to tell
us that the problem of the April 26th editorial would definitely
be solved, but it would take time. He was very sincere.
He said that the Central Committee had guaranteed the student
activists wouldn't be persecuted. He said, "If you don't believe
me, you can take me hostage."
Then I said, "I hope everyone will consider this proposal
carefully."
But the atmosphere was so highly emotional, it was impossible
for either of us to continue. So Yan Mingfu left.
NARRATION
Only hours after Yan Mingfu's appearance in the Square, a
letter from Zhao Ziyang, writing on behalf of the Central
Committee, was broadcast. In essence, it contradicted the April
26 editorial.
But the strike continued.
The following day, Premier Li Peng summoned a group of student
leaders to the Great Hall of the People for a televised meeting.
Some hunger strikers came straight from their hospital beds.
INSIDE THE GREAT HALL: LI PENG MEETS WITH STUDENTS ON MAY 18
LI PENG
The students are very concerned with two issues. We fully understand. As the Prime Minister and a communist, I do not conceal my views. But I won't talk about them today. Endless quibbling over these two issues now is inappropriate and unreasonable.
WUER KAIXI
We're not the ones quibbling. It shouldn't be necessary for me to repeat what I said at the start of this meeting. But you leaders just don't get it. I'll tell you one more time. The problem isn't convincing those of us in this room. The problem is how to get the students to leave the Square. The conditions they've laid down must be met. I've made this very clear. There is only one possibility, and this is an objective fact. If but one hunger striker chooses to stay in the Square, we cannot guarantee that the thousands of others will leave.
NARRATION
In the predawn hours of May 19, a worn and haggard Zhao Ziyang
appeared suddenly on Tiananmen Square. Zhao had lost out to the
hard-liners in the party.
On the verge of tears, he said to the students: "We have come
too late. We deserve your criticism."
Zhao then disappeared from public view.
DAI QING
When the reformers were still in power - that is to say before
Zhao Ziyang was removed, he was the most powerful person next to
Deng Xiaoping. The students didn't accept any of Zhao Ziyang's
compromises. They didn't want to cooperate with him in any way.
Once he was defeated it was the hard-liners' turn to show how
they deal with things.